#3610: How Empathy Works in Interrogation and Trauma Work

Why the people who last in high-trauma jobs aren't cold — they're empathic regulators.

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This episode unpacks a question from listener Daniel, who noticed something strange in interrogation footage from after the October 7th attacks: the interrogators stayed eerily calm while asking about horrific details. How does a person do that job without falling apart?

The surface answer — training and compartmentalization — doesn't hold up, because plenty of trained people still burn out. The deeper answer lies in a specific psychological profile. Contrary to the Hollywood image of the cold, detached interrogator, the people who last in these roles tend to have unusually high empathy. But they've developed something researchers call "empathic regulation": they can understand what someone feels without letting it land in their own nervous system. It's the difference between knowing a room smells bad and actually inhaling.

This wiring shows up across multiple professions: forensic psychologists building therapeutic alliances with violent offenders, pediatric oncologists delivering devastating news to families, war correspondents documenting atrocities. The key cognitive move is "dual awareness" — holding the horror of an act and the humanity of the actor simultaneously, without either canceling the other out. These professionals use rituals to symbolically unload: changing clothes immediately after work, writing down one thing to leave at the door, listening to absorbing content on the commute home. The ones who last aren't the toughest-looking; they're the ones comfortable saying "this affected me.

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#3610: How Empathy Works in Interrogation and Trauma Work

Corn
Daniel sent us this one — he's been watching interrogation footage from after the October seventh attacks, and he noticed something peculiar. The interrogators, whoever they were, stayed eerily calm while asking about horrific details. And he's wondering: how does a person do that job, sit across from someone who's done unspeakable things, and not fall apart? He also points to therapists who work with violent offenders, people convicted of heinous crimes. The question is, what kind of person functions in these roles and stays sane while doing it? And what other jobs demand this same psychological makeup?
Herman
This is one of those questions where the surface answer is "training and compartmentalization," but that doesn't actually get you very far. Plenty of people are trained and still burn out or break. The deeper question is about a specific psychological profile — and it's not necessarily the person you'd expect.
Corn
I think most people imagine the interrogator as someone cold, detached, maybe a bit ruthless themselves. The guy who can stare into the abyss because he's already halfway there.
Herman
Right, and that's the Hollywood version. The reality is almost the opposite. The people who last in these roles tend to have unusually high empathy, not low. They just know how to regulate it.
Corn
That sounds counterintuitive.
Herman
It does, until you look at what actually happens when someone with low empathy tries to interrogate a terrorist or treat a violent offender. They can't read the person. They miss microexpressions, shifts in affect, the subtle tells that signal when someone's lying or about to crack or genuinely remorseful. The work requires attunement. You have to understand what the person across from you is feeling in order to do anything useful with them.
Corn
You're saying the interrogator needs to be almost therapist-like.
Herman
In a lot of cases, they are. The Shin Bet has a long history of employing psychological principles in interrogation — building rapport, understanding the subject's worldview, finding the pressure points that aren't physical. There's a reason the footage Daniel mentioned shows calm conversations rather than shouting matches. A good interrogator makes the subject feel understood, even when the subject knows they're adversaries. That takes real empathic skill.
Corn
Which brings us back to the original problem. If you're that attuned to another person's emotional state, and the emotional state you're reading is genuine evil or genuine trauma, how does that not contaminate you?
Herman
This is where the research gets interesting. There's a concept called emotional contagion — the tendency to automatically mimic and synchronize with the emotions of people around you. It's partially neurological, involving mirror neurons. Most people can't turn it off. But people in these professions develop something researchers call "empathic regulation." They can engage empathy as a cognitive tool — understanding what someone feels — without letting it trigger the full physiological response.
Corn
Like the difference between knowing a room smells bad and actually inhaling.
Herman
That's a surprisingly good analogy. They recognize the emotion, they map it, they use it, but they don't let it land in their own nervous system. It's a skill that takes years to develop, and not everyone can do it even with training.
Corn
What happens to the ones who can't?
Herman
Or they break. Secondary traumatic stress, vicarious traumatization — the clinical literature has a whole vocabulary for what happens when empathic engagement with trauma survivors or perpetrators starts to reshape your own worldview. You start seeing threat everywhere. You become hypervigilant. Your relationships suffer. Some people develop symptoms that look a lot like PTSD, even though they never experienced the trauma directly.
Corn
The selection process is brutal, and the ones who remain are essentially a self-selected population of people with an unusual capacity for empathic regulation. That's the core answer to how they stay sane. They're wired differently, or they've trained themselves into a different wiring.
Herman
That wiring shows up in other professions too. Think about pediatric oncologists. They're dealing with dying children and devastated parents every single day. The ones who last aren't the cold ones — parents can smell emotional disconnection instantly and they hate it. The ones who last are the ones who can care, sit in the room with a family receiving the worst news of their lives, be fully present, and then walk out and still go home and play with their own kids.
Corn
I've always wondered about that. How do you tell a parent their child has six months, and then go eat lunch?
Herman
Some of them describe it as a kind of sacred compartmentalization. The grief belongs to the family, not to them. Their job is to be a container for it, not to absorb it. If they absorb it, they can't do the job. And doing the job — treating the child, being clear-eyed about treatment options, not collapsing under the weight of the situation — that's actually the most caring thing they can do.
Corn
"A container for it, not to absorb it." That's a useful distinction. It reframes the whole thing. The interrogator isn't suppressing their humanity — they're deploying it in a controlled way.
Herman
And that reframing is itself protective. One of the predictors of burnout in these professions is whether the person sees their emotional regulation as a failure of caring or as a tool of caring. If you think "I should be devastated right now and the fact that I'm not means I'm broken," you'll spiral. If you think "my calm is a gift I'm giving to this situation," you'll be fine.
Corn
That's a cognitive reframe that probably needs to be taught explicitly. I doubt people stumble into it on their own.
Herman
They don't, generally. Most of the professions we're talking about have some form of supervision or peer support built in. Interrogators debrief with colleagues. Forensic psychologists have clinical supervision. Oncologists have tumor boards and informal hallway conversations. The isolation is what gets people. The ones who try to handle it alone, who think they're supposed to be tough enough to just absorb it, those are the ones who burn out fastest.
Corn
Let's talk about some of the other professions Daniel was asking about. He mentioned therapists who work with violent offenders. What does that population look like in terms of psychological toll?
Herman
It's a fascinating subgroup. Forensic psychologists and prison therapists work with people who've committed murder, sexual assault, terrorism — and they have to build therapeutic alliances with them. You can't do therapy with someone you're visibly disgusted by. The patient has to feel that you see them as a person, not just as their crime.
Corn
Which sounds almost morally impossible in some cases.
Herman
It requires a very specific cognitive move. The therapist has to hold two truths simultaneously: this person did something monstrous, and this person is still a human being with a psyche that can be understood. Most people can't hold both. They either collapse into "monster, unforgivable, beyond understanding" or they slide into a kind of moral relativism where they minimize what was done.
Corn
The people who last in the job?
Herman
They develop what some clinicians call "dual awareness." They can sit with the horror of the act and the humanity of the actor at the same time, without either one canceling the other out. It's cognitively demanding in a way that's hard to describe unless you've tried to do it.
Corn
I imagine it's exhausting. Not emotionally exhausting in the tearful sense, but mentally exhausting — like holding a heavy weight at arm's length for hours.
Herman
That's exactly how many of them describe it. And they have rituals for putting the weight down. Some have a specific commute routine — they listen to something completely absorbing on the way home, or they call a friend and talk about anything else. Some change clothes the moment they get home, as a physical signal to their nervous system that the workday is over. One forensic psychologist I read about keeps a notebook by her front door where she writes down one thing she's leaving at work before she walks into her house.
Corn
A literal symbolic unloading.
Herman
The neuroscience of ritual is pretty robust — symbolic actions can shift physiological states. It's not woo-woo, it's behavioral conditioning.
Corn
We've got interrogators, forensic therapists, pediatric oncologists. What else fits this profile?
Herman
Crime scene investigators. People who work in child protective services and have to look at the worst things adults do to children, day after day, and still show up with enough emotional bandwidth to help the next family.
Corn
I'd add war correspondents. The ones who spend years covering conflict zones, interviewing perpetrators and victims, documenting atrocities. They're not therapists or interrogators, but they're doing something similar — sitting across from people who've done terrible things, or had terrible things done to them, and staying composed enough to ask the right questions.
Herman
Marie Colvin is the classic example. She covered conflicts from Chechnya to Syria, lost an eye in Sri Lanka, kept going back. In interviews, she talked about bearing witness as a moral obligation. That framing — "I am here to witness, not to feel" — is another version of the container-versus-absorption distinction.
Corn
"I am here to witness, not to feel." That's a mission statement that probably keeps a lot of people functional.
Herman
It also raises an interesting question about whether that stance is sustainable indefinitely, or whether it eventually cracks. Colvin was killed in Homs in twenty twelve. She didn't burn out — she kept going until the external circumstances ended her career. But many war correspondents do reach a point where they can't do it anymore. The empathy regulation breaks down.
Corn
Which suggests there's a ceiling. Even for the people who are naturally suited to this work, there's a finite capacity.
Herman
That capacity varies enormously between individuals, and we don't fully understand why. Some people can do this work for thirty years and retire with their psyche intact. Others hit a wall after five. And it's not obviously correlated with how "tough" they seem on the outside. Some of the toughest-looking people are the most brittle internally.
Corn
The stoic facade as a liability rather than an asset.
Herman
The people who are comfortable saying "this affected me, I need to process it" tend to last longer than the ones who pretend they're unaffected. The vulnerability is protective.
Corn
That's a nice paradox. Let's talk about the interrogation context specifically, since that's what prompted the question. The October seventh footage Daniel mentioned — those interrogators were dealing with people who had just participated in a massacre. The rawness of it, the proximity in time, adds another layer. How do you interrogate someone whose hands are still metaphorically bloody without your own rage getting in the way?
Herman
This is where the distinction between interrogation and therapy becomes important. A therapist's goal is the patient's wellbeing. An interrogator's goal is information. The empathic engagement is instrumental — it's a tool for getting the subject to talk, not an end in itself.
Corn
Which might actually make it easier to maintain distance. The interrogator isn't trying to heal the person across the table. They're trying to extract useful intelligence.
Herman
And in the Israeli context specifically, there's a long institutional memory around how to do this. The Shin Bet and the police have developed interrogation approaches that emphasize psychological sophistication over brute force. Building rapport, understanding the subject's ideological framework, finding the cracks in their psychological armor. There was a fascinating piece about this years ago — the counterintuitive psychology of making a terrorist feel understood enough to betray his own cause.
Corn
The rapport-based approach.
Herman
And it works better than coercion, not just morally but practically. People give up more accurate information when they're talking to someone they perceive as understanding them. Coercion produces compliance, but it also produces false information — people will say whatever they think you want to hear to make the pain stop.
Corn
The calm demeanor Daniel noticed isn't just professional composure — it's tactical. The interrogator is calm because calmness is the tool.
Herman
It's a performative calm, but it's also genuine. You can't fake rapport for very long. The best interrogators find something in the subject they can connect with, even if it's just intellectual curiosity about their worldview. They're not pretending to be interested — they are interested, because interest is what makes the technique work.
Corn
Which brings us back to the original psychological puzzle. If you're interested in the inner world of a terrorist, if you're really listening and understanding, how does that not mess you up?
Herman
I think part of the answer is that understanding isn't the same as agreeing. You can understand someone's ideological framework, their grievances, their motivations, without endorsing any of it. The interrogator is building a mental model of the subject, not merging with them.
Corn
A mental model. So it's almost like the interrogator is doing anthropology — studying a belief system from the inside without adopting it.
Herman
The interrogator as anthropologist of the enemy. You learn the language, the rituals, the sacred values, the internal logic. You don't have to believe any of it to understand it. And understanding it is what gives you power in the interaction.
Corn
The emotional distance comes from that intellectual framing. You're not feeling with the person — you're mapping them.
Herman
Which connects to something we touched on earlier about the difference between cognitive empathy and affective empathy. Cognitive empathy is understanding what someone feels. Affective empathy is feeling it with them. The people who thrive in these professions tend to have high cognitive empathy and regulated affective empathy. They can read the room without becoming the room.
Corn
"Read the room without becoming the room." That's the whole episode in six words.
Herman
It really is. And it applies across all the professions we've mentioned. The forensic therapist reads the violent offender's psyche without becoming contaminated by it. The pediatric oncologist reads the family's grief without drowning in it. The war correspondent reads the atrocity without being consumed by it.
Corn
Let's push on something. You said earlier that some people are naturally better at this than others. Is there research on what the preexisting traits are? Can you identify someone who's suited for this work before they're in it?
Herman
There's some work on this, mostly from military and law enforcement selection research. A few traits keep showing up. One is what psychologists call "psychological flexibility" — the ability to adapt your emotional responses to the demands of the situation rather than being rigidly controlled by them. Another is "distress tolerance" — the capacity to experience negative emotions without needing to escape them immediately.
Corn
Sitting with discomfort without flinching.
Herman
And a third is something called "sense of coherence" — a term from Antonovsky's work on salutogenesis. It's the degree to which someone sees the world as comprehensible, manageable, and meaningful. People with high sense of coherence are better at integrating difficult experiences into a larger framework of meaning. They can encounter evil and not have their worldview shattered, because they have a framework that can accommodate it.
Corn
That third one seems crucial. If you don't have a prior framework that makes sense of human evil, encountering it up close is going to be destabilizing.
Herman
This is where worldview — including religious worldview — can be protective. If you already believe that human beings are capable of profound evil, if that's part of your anthropology, then encountering it doesn't shatter anything. It confirms what you already knew.
Corn
Which is a very Jewish and Christian view of human nature. Original sin, the yetzer hara — the idea that the capacity for evil is universal, not an anomaly.
Herman
Whereas if your default view is that people are basically good and evil is a deviation caused by circumstance, encountering someone who chose to do something monstrous — not out of desperation or pathology but out of conviction — can be existentially destabilizing.
Corn
I'd imagine the interrogators Daniel watched have a pretty clear-eyed view of human nature. They're not shocked by what they hear because they already know what humans are capable of.
Herman
That prior knowledge functions as a kind of psychological inoculation. The horror isn't a surprise. It's awful, but it's not disorienting. There's a huge difference between "this is awful and I didn't think this was possible" and "this is awful and it's exactly what I knew was possible.
Corn
The first reaction breaks you. The second one, you can work with.
Herman
And the work itself — the interrogation, the therapy, the investigation — gives you something to do with the horror. You're not just witnessing it passively. You're responding to it. Agency is protective.
Corn
That's an important point. The interrogator isn't just sitting there absorbing evil like a sponge. They're actively doing something — extracting information that might prevent future attacks, building a case, understanding enemy networks. The horror has a purpose.
Herman
Which brings us to another profession that fits this pattern: emergency room doctors and trauma surgeons. They see the absolute worst things that can happen to a human body — gunshot wounds, car crashes, child abuse injuries — and they have to stay calm enough to make split-second medical decisions. If they fall apart, people die.
Corn
The agency there is obvious. You're not just witnessing the horror, you're fighting it. Every suture, every intervention is pushing back.
Herman
The surgeon I read about once said that the operating room is the one place where rage at human violence can be channeled into something productive. You can't undo what happened, but you can repair what's in front of you.
Corn
That's a powerful reframe. The rage becomes fuel for precision rather than something that clouds it.
Herman
That's trainable. Military surgeons talk about this — learning to convert the emotional response to trauma into focused attention rather than letting it become panic or despair. It's a skill, not just a personality trait.
Corn
We've got a whole constellation of professions — interrogators, forensic therapists, pediatric oncologists, war correspondents, trauma surgeons, crime scene investigators, child protective services workers. What ties them all together is this capacity for regulated empathy, cognitive engagement without affective contamination, and some kind of meaning framework that makes the horror comprehensible.
Herman
I'd add one more: judges. Especially judges who preside over violent crime cases, who have to sit through detailed testimony about atrocities, look at evidence photos, hear victim impact statements, and then go home and be normal human beings. They're doing a version of the same thing — witnessing without being consumed.
Corn
Maintaining the composure not just for themselves but for the courtroom. If the judge breaks down, the whole proceeding collapses.
Herman
There's a performative dimension to all of these roles. The interrogator performs calm for the subject. The oncologist performs steadiness for the family. The judge performs impartiality for the court. The performance isn't fake — it's a genuine expression of professional commitment — but it's also a kind of emotional labor that takes energy to sustain.
Corn
That's the term from Arlie Hochschild's work, right? The management of feeling to create a publicly observable facial and bodily display.
Herman
And Hochschild's insight was that emotional labor has a cost. Flight attendants who have to smile at rude passengers, bill collectors who have to be aggressive with debtors — the effort of producing the required emotion extracts a toll.
Corn
Even for the people who are naturally suited to it, this work is costly. The empathy regulation isn't effortless. It's a skill that consumes energy.
Herman
That's why the support structures matter so much. The professions that have strong peer support, mandatory debriefing, clinical supervision — those have lower burnout rates. The ones that expect people to just tough it out alone lose people faster.
Corn
Which is probably true of interrogation units specifically. I'd imagine the institutional culture matters enormously. If the norm is "we don't talk about how this affects us," you're going to have problems. If the norm is "we debrief after every session and we watch each other for signs of strain," you're going to have resilience.
Herman
There's some evidence that the Israeli security services have learned this lesson over decades. The institutional knowledge around psychological resilience in interrogation units is quite sophisticated. They know who's at risk and they monitor for it.
Corn
Let me ask you something from the medical side, since you practiced. Did you see this in your own career? Pediatricians dealing with horrible cases and staying functional?
Herman
I saw colleagues handle child abuse cases, terminal diagnoses, family tragedies — and the ones who lasted were the ones who had both deep empathy and strong boundaries. They cared intensely while they were in the room, and then they closed the door and shifted their attention to the next patient. It wasn't callousness. It was a disciplined allocation of emotional resources.
Corn
Did you have to develop that yourself?
Herman
Pediatrics is mostly joyful — healthy kids, routine checkups, minor illnesses. But the hard cases are very hard. And you learn, sometimes painfully, that you can't carry every patient's suffering home with you. If you do, you'll burn out and then you're no good to anyone.
Corn
The skill is universal across these professions, even if the specific content of the horror varies.
Herman
The interrogator facing a terrorist, the therapist facing a murderer, the pediatrician facing a dying child — the psychological demand is structurally the same. Engage fully, care, don't absorb.
Corn
The people who can't do that third part self-select out.
Herman
Or they stay and they suffer. And sometimes they cause harm — the burned-out social worker who's become cynical and dismissive, the hardened interrogator who's lost the ability to build rapport, the doctor who's emotionally checked out and misses things.
Corn
It's not just about protecting the worker. It's about protecting the work. The empathy regulation is a professional obligation, not just a personal coping strategy.
Herman
That's a really important point. If you're an interrogator and you lose your capacity for regulated empathy — if you become either too hardened to read your subject or too overwhelmed to stay calm — you're not just unhappy. You're bad at your job. The people depending on your work — the intelligence agencies, the criminal justice system, the patients, the families — they all need you to maintain that capacity.
Corn
Which raises the stakes considerably. This isn't a self-care luxury. It's a core competency.
Herman
It's one that we don't talk about enough in how we train people for these professions. We teach technique — interrogation methods, therapeutic modalities, surgical procedures — but we often neglect the psychological skills that make the technique sustainable.
Corn
The assumption being that if you're tough enough to sign up for the job, you're tough enough to handle it.
Herman
Which is demonstrably false. Some of the most dedicated, idealistic people flame out fastest because they care too much and never learned to regulate it.
Corn
The empathy trap we talked about in a previous episode. High empathy without regulation leads to burnout.
Herman
The people who thrive in these roles are not the ones who care the most or the least — they're the ones who've learned to care at the right intensity, in the right moments, and then disengage when the moment is over.
Corn
Like a dimmer switch, not an on-off toggle.
Herman
That's a good image. It's not about turning empathy off — that's impossible and undesirable. It's about modulating the intensity to match the demands of the situation.
Corn
To pull this together for the prompt — how does this person function and stay sane? They function by developing regulated empathy, cognitive engagement without affective contamination, a meaning framework that makes horror comprehensible, and ritualized boundaries between work and life. They stay sane through peer support, institutional cultures that normalize processing rather than suppressing, and a clear sense that their composure is a tool of care, not a failure of caring.
Herman
The other examples of where this kind of person is seen — we've named a dozen. Interrogators, forensic psychologists, trauma surgeons, pediatric oncologists, war correspondents, crime scene investigators, child protective services workers, judges, medical examiners. Any profession where you have to sit across from human suffering or human evil and remain functional enough to do your job.
Corn
I'd add one more that's closer to home for a lot of people: teachers. Especially teachers in high-poverty schools, or teachers who work with traumatized kids. They're dealing with the secondary effects of violence, neglect, addiction — and they have to stay calm and present for kids who desperately need a stable adult.
Herman
That's a great addition. And teachers get far less institutional support than interrogators or surgeons. They're often doing this emotional labor in isolation, with minimal training and no debriefing structure.
Corn
Which might explain why teacher burnout rates are so high. The demand is similar, but the support infrastructure is much thinner.
Herman
That's a policy failure, honestly. If we understand that this kind of emotional labor has a cost, and we know what kinds of support reduce that cost, then failing to provide that support is a choice with predictable consequences.
Corn
The answer to "how do they stay sane" is partly individual psychology and partly institutional design. The individual needs certain traits and skills, but the institution needs to create conditions where those traits and skills can be sustained.
Herman
That's the part that doesn't make for dramatic footage. When you watch an interrogation video, you see the calm interrogator and you think "what an impressive person." You don't see the debriefing session afterward, the peer support network, the institutional culture that taught them how to do this and monitors them for signs of strain.
Corn
The visible composure is the tip of a much larger iceberg.
Herman
And the iceberg is mostly scaffolding.
Corn
One last angle. You mentioned earlier that religious worldview can be protective because it provides a framework that already accounts for human evil. I think there's something else there too — the idea that you're not alone in bearing witness. If you believe there's a divine witness, that the crimes you're hearing about are already known and will be accounted for, that might take some of the psychological weight off.
Herman
That's a profound point. The interrogator or therapist who believes in divine justice isn't carrying the full burden of moral response alone. They're participating in a larger process. Their job is to do their specific task well — extract information, provide treatment — not to single-handedly ensure that justice is served.
Corn
Which is another version of the container-not-absorber distinction. You're a participant in justice, not the sole bearer of it.
Herman
That fits with what we know about meaning-making as a protective factor. The people who thrive in these professions tend to have a sense that their work matters in a framework larger than themselves. It's not just a job. It's a calling, a mission, a form of service.
Corn
Which can cut both ways. The sense of mission can also drive people to overwork and neglect their own needs. "This is too important for me to take a break.
Herman
Yes, and that's where the institutional guardrails matter. A good organization protects its people from their own dedication. It mandates time off, enforces debriefing, watches for signs of strain. The individual's sense of mission needs to be paired with organizational discipline.
Corn
Otherwise the mission eats the missionary.
Herman
Then you lose both.
Corn
I think we've mapped this pretty thoroughly. The short answer is: these people function through a combination of innate psychological traits, trained skills in empathic regulation, meaning frameworks that make horror comprehensible, and institutional support systems that prevent isolation. And they show up in every profession that requires sustained exposure to human suffering or evil while maintaining the composure to act effectively.
Herman
The longer answer is that we're still learning how this works, and the people who do it well are often not the ones we'd expect. The stereotype of the hardened, unfeeling professional is mostly wrong. The reality is more interesting — and more hopeful.
Corn
Hopeful because it suggests these capacities can be taught, not just found.
Herman
If it were just about finding the rare person who's naturally immune to psychological contagion, we'd be in trouble. But a lot of this is trainable, and the training methods are getting better as the research improves.
Corn
The calm interrogator on the screen isn't a psychological anomaly. He's the product of a system that selected well, trained thoroughly, and supports continuously.
Herman
That system is something we can study, understand, and replicate across all the professions that need it.
Corn
Which is a good place to land. The question wasn't just "how do these people exist" but "how can we create more of them." And the answer is: intentionally.
Herman
Intentionally, systematically, and with a clear understanding of what the work actually demands psychologically. Not just technical training, but emotional training. Not just individual resilience, but institutional support.
Corn
Now: Hilbert's daily fun fact.

Hilbert: In the high medieval period, volcanic gases from Kiribati's submerged seamounts occasionally produced localized plumes of carbon dioxide so concentrated that they would anesthetize passing seabirds mid-flight, causing them to drop from the sky in what contemporary observers described as inexplicable avian fainting spells.
Corn
...right.
Corn
This has been My Weird Prompts. Thanks to our producer Hilbert Flumingtop. You can find every episode at myweirdprompts dot com or wherever you get your podcasts. Leave us a review if you enjoyed this one — it helps. We'll be back next time.

This episode was generated with AI assistance. Hosts Herman and Corn are AI personalities.